An Interview With Nessa Childers MEP:” Ireland Could Just Say No To The Troika

INTERVIEW with Nessa Childers, Member of the European Parliament representing the East constituency of the Republic of Ireland. The interview was conducted in the Dublin offices of the European Parliament on April 26, 2013. The interviewers were Nina Ogden of the Executive Intelligence Review, and Gene Douglas, Editor of the LaRouche Irish Brigade website.

“Ms. Nessa Childers recently resigned from her political group in the European Parliament to dramatize her opposition to the austerity policies being imposed on European Union countries by the “Troika.” Her Irish political affiliation is the Irish Labour Party—————————————————————————————————————-

. Nessa’s father, Erskine Childers, was the fourth President of Ireland. Her grandfather was British author and civil servant Robert Erskine Childers, who rejected his career as a loyal British subject and became an all-out Irish Nationalist. His colorful life includes an incident well known in Irish history, when he and his Boston-born wife, Molly, ran guns to the Irish Volunteers aboard his sailing yacht in 1914.

This transcription is a slightly abridged version of the entire interview. The interview in an abridged form, with a hyperlink to this transcription, will appear in the next issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

Mrs. Ogden preceded the interview by reporting to Ms. Childers on the New Paradigm Schiller Institute Conference which she and Gene had attended April 12 and 13 in Frankfurt, Germany. She also told Childers that she has been following her before her resignation, from the U.S.

CHILDERS: So you have been following me, and now after this, the CIA and MI-5 will be following me, too.

OGDEN:Well, that’s par for the course, you know.
OGDEN: Alan and I got our start in politics in the American civil rights movement a very long time ago, and we have had a file following us around for so long that we’re not even interested in. So that’s a badge of honor, and nothing to worry about.

CHILDERS: (laughing) No, I understand, and you know, I come from a kind of revolutionary background, and I think at some level that has influenced me, politically, and I don’t even understand it myself. I’m a cultural melting pot myself, I’m not completely Irish, and I think that’s all in there somewhere. So do you want to ask me questions? I’m not an economist, but I can talk about political justice.

OGDEN: That’s what we want to ask you about.

CHILDERS: If you want to ask me debt and debt ratios, which are now complete rubbish apparently, according to that spread sheet, and if you were to ask me details like that, I would get tangled up in a knot, you know on economic details.

OGDEN: We want to start by saying that your resignation is very important, and resonated with many people, not only in Ireland, but across Europe. We want to come back to that but we want to lead into it, by saying that we know you have been against these austerity measures for a long time, and we want to know what your thinking is about that.

CHILDERS: It has to do with justice, and it has to do with vested interests, as well, and with “agendas behind curtains,” as Poul Rasmussen who was the head of the Party of European Socialists said about two years ago at a meeting I was at. It struck me what he said because the English was slightly turned around and they are more powerful than “hidden agendas.” “Agendas behind curtains.” And he was operating at quite a high level at that stage. He was the former Prime Minister of Denmark. There were negotiations going on, and he said he suddenly sensed this, and he’s good at pattern recognition I think, and he sensed that there were “agendas behind curtains.” And you begin to see this when you are in the E.P. You begin to see the enormous forces ranged against you, if you are anti-austerity: financial and political. You can sense them and you can see the patterns as if your man is going down into some sort of safe place, and he puts on these glasses and suddenly he sees the outlines of these alarm systems. You begin to see those agendas and to sense them and you begin to think that something is very wrong! And that there are forces operating to keep us in these positions. In Ireland as well, you know! This is why I exposed the Financial Services Clearinghouse and their operations in Leinster House [The Dail, the parliament of the Republic of Ireland –Ed.]. I think that this isn’t right! There’s a moral aspect about this. It’s about people not fitting into spreadsheets. They cannot; they are human beings. And my former profession comes into it as well. I was a psychotherapist for 25 years. I wasn’t a politician. And I signed, a code of ethics, and I began to feel that I was colluding in something that was actually indefensible, and that I would never be able to defend it personally.

OGDEN: Good.

CHILDERS: And I did begin to feel that I wasn’t prepared to bear it any longer: and what could happen to me in the future if I started to work in that field again and what would people sitting across, behind the couch or behind the table; what would they see me as, perhaps being to blame for maybe a suicide! Out there, there are huge amounts of suicides, and it’s the tip of the iceberg. There’s huge amounts of chronic anxiety and depression from insecurity and insecure employment and I don’t want to be held responsible beyond what any of us can be. And at that stage, I thought, something had to be actually done. And that’s where things get difficult, because you know, I chose deliberately to try and destabilize the system. That’s the way I was brought up, you see. It wasn’t enough simply to resign, but I had to actually go into the power structure and to actually shake it, and bring it down, because that is the only thing left.

DOUGLAS: This follows on, I think, neatly, from what you have said already: Why do you think that the Troika is so insistent on austerity, when a lot of leading economists have said that it’s exactly the opposite, that it’s the wrong direction to take? Why is there this insistence on austerity when it is proven to be so destructive?

CHILDERS: Well what a half plan was it proven to be! The economists that are hostile to austerity, in the United States they are regarded as the East Coast versus the West Coast economists, and they themselves have been in major conflicts with their own profession, with people who do believe in fiscal discipline. I think the thing to think of there, is in Europe the construction of the Troika is definitely influenced by some member states, by Germany, Finland and the Netherlands. You have to try to understand what happens in Germany. The German people think that their taxpayers’ money is being misused. They see themselves as the victims, in all of this. There are multiple reasons; the bit that worries me the most are the hidden reasons, where they are tied up with bond markets and there are other people who probably know quite well who those people were, and that’s the bit that I think is part of it. The Cypriot situation was absolutely shocking! And mismanaged, and they now face something like a twenty per cent contraction of their economy, and I would say that their presence in the Euro is, for them, is 50-50, whether they’ll be in the Euro or not.

DOUGLAS: Their Parliament was told, “We’re going to turn off your money unless, in three days, unless…

CHILDERS: They said that to us, too!

OGDEN: They voted reluctantly, and then the conditions were supposedly changed, but now they can’t bear it.

CHILDERS: It’s like Iceland, you know, they’re forcing their politicians to go and confront… You see, that situation in Cyprus was not good; it gave the Irish government a reason for saying, “Oh, look what they’re about to do in Cyprus, to pull the rug.”In fact we don’t really know what what they would have done! They didn’t actually do it in the end, because the Cypriots showed the jugular. They gave in under threat. And threat! That is another moral aspect!  There are Troikas threatening countries everywhere. What happens is, they threaten governments, and then governments threaten their own representatives. It’s like an awful repetition of something. We have the public employee, the Croke Park negotiations here, and they were negotiated with a threat! And what happened there is quite interesting because I think we’re at the limits of where that is effective. That can cause a scorched-earth attitude in people where they just think, “That’s it! We’re at the end of it; I’m not going to be threatened with that anymore by anybody!” I can see a kind of a weak reduction of bullying really, from Troikas to governments and then governments to their own people, and their own representatives.

OGDEN: And actually that was going to be our last question! The sense of the thing is, that what your resignation is part of, I think, is the kind of feeling that’s going on throughout Ireland and throughout the other countries in Europe, that enough is enough. That nobody believes the spin any more. And for the unions to turn down the Croke Park II agreement, is really significant. I think it has a lot to do with what’s going to happen in the Labour Party with you and your colleagues, as a whole.

CHILDERS: I wouldn’t bet on it. I’ve come to wonder what is going to really crack this edifice. You see, it’s got to do with masses of people. And you never know what’s going to happen there. We seem to be quite quiescent in Ireland, you know, in many ways. It’s what Rory Quinn described as “the grenade in the ballot box.” People seem to wait until elections, and then they destroy political parties. I have grave concerns about that, because I think it’ll be too late, and I don’t know what’s going to happen.

OGDEN: What our feeling was, right at the beginning of the bailout, and I think it’s interesting you’re bringing it up; we had a big webcast called “Ireland and America,” when this first began, and Mr. LaRouche, who gave the major speech, said, “Ireland has to just say, ‘No’.” If Ireland just says ‘No,’ this plan that you described as “behind the curtains,” is gone. It’s gone! And we really hoped, that with the tradition of people like your family and so forth, Ireland would, “Just say no.” And in a way, Ireland said ‘No,’ in terms of throwing out the Fianna Fail and so forth, but then they said ‘Yes,’ and got themselves into more hot water! But if you have a point of no return, which we’re at right now, because you have, as the Cyprus thing happened, but now what has happened (because I saw that you are part of the European Parliament Japanese liaison committee), that the Japanese just went forward with the opposite plan, which is this massive, crazy hyperinflation. So you have two things going on at one time: robbery from the people generally, and then hyperinflation. So that you have a situation that is different from when the bailout here first occurred. It was horrible, but nobody knew what else was going to happen. They could believe that things were going to be better. But now, look at Greece, look at Cyprus, look at the whole condition of everything. That makes a very big change.

CHILDERS: And Spain. The levels of unemployment are absolutely unbelievable, and that has the potential for all kinds of disaster, and protest, there’s youth unemployment; it’s like at the beginning of the “Arab Spring,” in many ways, a lot of young men. And Portugal is in a terrible state. It’s about, exiting the bailout is the Holy Grail. But I would fear that it is not the Holy Grail, and I think it’ll cause political problems, immediately, because nobody would be able to hide behind Troikas any more, and you’ll see politics again, Irish style, auction politics, every kind of conflict, and the Labour Party will be marched-on by a pincer movement down there in Dail Eireann, and I don’t know whether they’ll be able to – I don’t think they should – withstand it, of course, but I think it’ll be hugely difficult.

OGDEN: You’re bringing it up, that you have to have a positive solution. You can’t just say “We’re against this,” and then people go crazy.

CHILDERS: We need to spend money. I think we have to do, our banks need to be recapitalized, as the next thing that has to happen, they are not functioning, absolutely not functioning. I don’t think that’s going to be easy. I think the other European states are going to move back from that. But I think our debts have to be written down. I don’t think we can pay them. I would be concerned that that has to be done in a strategic way. Because I personally would be very concerned, not from the point of view of the philosophy of it, but I couldn’t advocate a disorderly default, because I think people are there! We could end up in a most disastrous situation. There are other kinds of defaults, and many economists would say it’s going to happen anyway, unless we do something, and I think those debts are still unsustainable. We’ve just pushed them out.

OGDEN:  One of the things that’s happening right now in the U.S., which we’re very involved in, is this return to the Glass-Steagall law, which Michael D. Higgins [President of the Republic of Ireland –Ed.] has talked about again and again — and we’ve been publishing things about his statements on this – we have a bill in the U.S. Congress, now, with a lot of co-signers, to actually return to the Glass-Steagall policy, which is the policy which is a solution, because it takes these banks, it says there’s a bank which people have their money in, and have mortgages and that kind of thing, then there are the speculative “bankster” banks, and they can gamble all they want, but they don’t have any right to be backed up by taxpayer money, or government money or anything else. So from 1933 until 1999, when people like Greenspan repealed it, you had this Glass-Steagall separation. In 1999 it was repealed, and “bam,” we had the crash, we had derivatives and speculation…

CHILDERS: And there were vested interests there, big time, in that repeal.

OGDEN: Totally. That’s exactly right. So our sense of the thing, is that if we can get this through, in the U.S., and we think we can, in short order,  then Europe has a leg to stand on, because, if the U.S. does it, it doesn’t mean Europe has to be allied to the U.S., or part of the U.S., or swing to the U.S., or that kind of geopolitical nonsense, but it means that there’s a precedent, and it can be done. We started to push it further in the Congress, because there are vested interests against this, from Wall Street, and the City of London and so forth. We started an enormous move in the state legislatures, which are the level right below the Congress, to get resolutions in all of the state legislatures to get Congress to actually move on it, state by state by state. Now we have something like eighteen states where it’s been introduced, and several states where it’s been passed unanimously, but it’s happening at such a quick rate, and the Cyprus incident – or what did you call it, the “Cypress banking fiasco?” – woke people up, so that, whereas people were saying, “Oh, that’s interesting,” or, “Yes, that’s a good theoretical idea,” after Cypress, Congressmen were running over to us and saying, “Is this going to happen here?” which it will.

CHILDERS: Was than when, they were lassoing them, to process their money, is that…

OGDEN: Yes. And we actually found and documented, documents which had been published from 2010, 2011, that said, that this was actually in the planning stage, so this wasn’t just something new from Djisselbloem, you know, “the Cyprus template.” So if you have — That’s the solution, because if you can’t have “orderly default” which just sort-of puts everything  nicely back together, and you can’t have disorderly default, where everything just flies apart.

CHILDERS: It has to be strategic.

OGDEN: It has to be strategic.

CHILDERS: You need political will to do that.

OGDEN: You do.

CHILDERS: You know you wonder sometimes — whether people have been captured, it’s the Stockholm Syndrome – by people that they have no power to stop, certainly with individuals…

OGDEN: I have to tell you, that’s what you’re for!

CHILDERS: You’re dealing with groups down there. You’re dealing with group minds – that is what one of the trade union people said to me – that are all operating along this, they feel that they are, so instead of getting angry, they are trying to please the people that have power over them. If that is the case, that’s actually a benign explanation. The other explanation is, that some of them have been captured by vested interests. So I don’t know. Both are entirely possible, of course, too, but I seem to be immune these days to the Stockholm Syndrome.

OGDEN: It takes leadership, right?

CHILDERS: I wouldn’t have thought I had any qualities of leadership. I don’t know if I do. I think leaders are different. I don’t know if I could ever lead a political party. I don’t see the traits in myself necessary to do that.

OGDEN: I think leadership is moral leadership. From what you described, that means moral leadership.

CHILDERS: But that means upsetting people now. And I don’t find that easy. And to actually lead a bit of a parliamentary party, and to begin to sort of confront them, I found that I have to do that, unlike the other people that left, they had to vote, and they lost. I had to do something very deliberate. You know, no one wants to be hated by people, or to take up that position. But I did. You know, I suppose I was brought up from a very young age to think about democracy. And where, if you saw it beginning to erode, that you couldn’t not take action, that you had a duty. You know an actual duty, to do something about it, which of course led to my grandfather running guns, and my grandmother. But you know, Ireland {could} provide the leadership, as you were just saying; I was just thinking, we stood up in those days to the British Empire, a tiny country of, what would it be, two and a half million people, if not less. So, we {could} be the ones that “say ‘No’!”  That’s a very powerful statement, you know, if Ireland says ‘No,’ you know, that would resonate in the memory of Irish people. At this point, I don’t know what is happening to Irish people. I think that they’re too exhausted to fight.  I think that they have gone into a sort of a helpless state. But that’s what governments are for, to defend their people. I was brought up to believe that the first reason to be a public representative is to defend the people you represent. But instead, we’re defending the Troika. And in my opinion that’s a symptom, perhaps of something which does come from the past, you know where we learned to play games — probably quite successful to some degree —  games behind the scenes. You see, I think it’s gone beyond that stage. I think it will require hard political power, to stand up now to these people. That means making threats of a kind.

DOUGLAS: I just wanted to say, while I agree with you totally on what you just said there, that we in Ireland have tended to play these games, while pushing for our own agenda, but I just have to say that I think we have been really unsuccessful. In doing that, we’ve never really achieved, you know, still we have a divided country, and now we’re under the yoke of this Troika, which is another sort of Imperial master if you like. So I think we have tried in various ways but unfortunately it really hasn’t worked. But I think, again, as you were saying, that this is a real critical time at present, and I think there is possibly a breakthrough available, you know to get beyond this type of imperialism. I think Glass-Steagall is the key to it.

OGDEN: The other thing about it is, why can we succeed? Because this terrible huge power is broke! The reason that this Troika is so desperate, is that all of these major banking interests that they represent are broke! Their assets represent nothing. And the minute you actually implement what they’re afraid of, the minute you implement Glass-Steagall, there’s nothing there. Then we have a real interesting fight, then we have to create something…

CHILDERS: That’s a real interesting point! The austerity is killing the banks. Is that why all these things like the IMF are suddenly; it’s actually eating itself alive, like a form of alarming cannib­­­­­­alism.

DOUGLAS: You can see the actual desperation, if you go back to the Cyprus thing. They have actually declared now that bailouts won’t work, and that they’re going for this, what they call a “bail-in.” which really amounts to stealing depositors’ money. And not only in Cyprus; it’s going to be attempted right across Europe. So I think that’s a clear indication that they’re getting quite desperate.

CHILDERS: And that’s where you have to act, when you see a weakness appearing in the system. You have to be clever, you know. You have to act. I also think, in terms of imperial power, that the older sort of British Empire, you knew where you are! I think these other things are much more opaque; they have multiple strands. You knew where you were with the Empires. You knew what they were up to.

DOUGLAS: They wore red coats.

OGDEN: We knew what they were up to in the U.S. and we beat them. But the question is that the Troika, these empires are just changes in the Empire. It’s one empire, and now the EU, for what it’s become, is just the new British Empire…. What Michael D. talks about a lot, and what he spoke about in Strasbourg, that you have this materialist monetarism, which is the Empire, and that’s a system, that people start to be controlled by. But if you immediately realize, number one, your strategic situation, is that it’s not only the austerity that’s killed the banks, it was what they did before the austerity. They were investing in nothing. So the runaway capitalism, or whatever it was called, was investment in nothing, in derivatives, in the housing bubble.

CHILDERS: In illusory objects, that didn’t actually exist in the real world. We noticed, that when he was speaking in Strasbourg, that the center-right part of the chamber were not happy.

OGDEN: But everyone else was very happy.

CHILDERS: And he is of course a former Labour Party person, and you were talking about money there, money is here to stay. It’s a question of what do we do with it. The interesting thing about the U.S., I’ve read a number of books about the crash, and it was in the middle of the American Presidential election, and one of the lessons there, was that Obama didn’t spend enough money on the stimulus. It wasn’t enough. Because of course Congress wouldn’t allow it. This is the problem with the American system, is that the Congress wouldn’t allow it. It wasn’t enough.

OGDEN: What it was, was the stimulus was not a stimulus in anything real.

CHILDERS: That’s right.

OGDEN: And then you have this phony kind of fight, between the Democrats, the Republicans, and the President. The really great American System person who was talked about by Arthur Griffith early on, was Henry Carey. And he talked about a harmony of interests, in terms of real development.

CHILDERS: So where should the stimulus; we’re talking about stimulus here again, and I worry about it. Are we going to build roads everywhere?

DOUGLAS: That was really the bailout. It was assessed that 29 trillion dollars went into that bailout. It was really across the whole trans-Atlantic system. That’s a really huge number, but it went into the banks. It went in to bailing out this derivatives trading. Which is really just gambling.

CHILDERS: So where should it, I think if you have a stimulus, you have to give money back to people. But I don’t know if there is any model for that.

OGDEN: First of all, the model is what Roosevelt did. That is a model. Because we got out of the Depression and we didn’t have fascism. What did he do? He used a model which was an Irish model, the Shannon Scheme. That was a model for the New Deal. Not only the particular economic policies, but the building up of dams and…. An asteroid that is the size of a city bus could destroy a whole city. So if you have a policy, which the Russians have called “Strategic Defense of Earth,” and you are actually looking towards the future, and you’re not just saying that we need science and math because we need to be competitive, but if you have something like the space program was, with tremendous spinoffs, and optimism, and that kind of thing, that’s where you need to have your investment. You spend money, you do it with a credit system, as Hamilton said, you don’t try to balance the budget, the way the IMF or the Troika says, but you know you’re going to get something out of it. But if you just have a stimulus for building roads, or something – makework! And that’s degrading. But if you think in the future, even a hundred years ahead, that’s what a government should be doing.

CHILDERS: That drives people. And we have to get off the planet, too. That could be more than enough reason to do it. We’ve only got resources to sustain us for about five hundred years. And it’s the human drive, sort of. And stimulus in Ireland, and they’re talking about it now, I think some of the money has to be given back to social welfare recipients. It’s all very well building roads and asking for jobs, but we have to have health services, too. I think Social Democrats believe in big government. I think there has to be a safety net. I think that’s what a Social Democrat is. There has to be a safety net underneath people. I would be very worried, that if we go further into this austerity, you will start cutting off people. Cutting the net, they will fall through it. They are already, and then you’re into soup kitchens. I actually believe in that safety net, but I think it’s full of holes. And we’ve got to bring people who have fallen out of it, unsustainably out of it, back into it again.

OGDEN: I have a quote from Franklin Roosevelt which I carry around beause I love it so much. And I don’t always pull it out, but this is a quote for you. This is from Franklin Roosevelt’s acceptance speech for his second nomination. He said, “Governments can err. Presidents do make mistakes. But the immortal Dante tells us that Divine Justice weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted on different scales. Better the occasional faults of a government that lives in a spirit of charity, than the consistent omissions of a government frozen in its own indifference.”

CHILDERS: He’s talking about governments full of what I would call sociopaths, there are too many of them. You know, governments that are congenitally indifferent to the suffering of other people.

DOUGLAS: As well, under the control of these other entities, you know. Because that’s the case here, as you mentioned, you know. And there’s a big argument — and I think it’s a distraction – about big government. It’s a question of who the government is.

CHILDERS: I don’t mean actual government, but the social welfare system. And the center-right ideology is, they’re trying to dismantle that. That’s what I meant, when I got into all of the newspapers, saying that there is a sinister human experiment going on. And that is what it is. If you want to actually explain to people, instead of talking about vested interests, it is a human experiment. Cutting wages, cutting benefits. That is the neo-liberal agenda. And it is a human experiment. You don’t need to be an M.E.P. very long to see that it is in existence all over Europe. You have to keep saying it, because I think people are blind – they want us to be blind to it. You will get people, like again this Michael Taft who talks about the public service pay as being what they call the “demonstration effect.” It’s a communication to the private sector that they can start cutting wages, too. This is an experiment, with human beings on one end of it. And there are employers and all kinds of people on the other end of it who benefit. What you have to ask is, “Who benefits?” You can trace forensically where it ends up. And I’ll be darned if I will be part of a human experiment. Of course I may succeed in doing nothing. But I can say that I tried.

OGDEN: Did you read Tim Pat Coogan’s book “The Famine Plot”?

CHILDERS: I don’t read anything any more. Is that his latest one? Yes, I’ll get it.

OGDEN: What he goes through is that for the British Empire at that time, the famine was a human experiment. And it was genocide.

CHILDERS: That’s a very interesting link there, because it’s important to make historical links sometimes, because they’re all still inside people in the culture. And that is interesting. I must read that.

DOUGLAS: We have just driven from Armagh to Dublin and from Dublin to Galway, sort of up and down the country and across, and without any exaggeration, there is no need to exaggerate, because we really didn’t see one factory in that whole journey. I don’t know what miles are on the car. I didn’t clock it, but it was shocking to me, and I kind of knew that we weren’t well developed, in that way, but I was still shocked. Alan and Nina just couldn’t believe it. They thought the countryside is beautiful, as we all know, but no industry whatsoever. The problem is about, you know, we can’t get to the stage that we just hand out money to people and say that that’s an economy. You really have to be producing and manufacturing, and I think this is a myth, this resource issue, this resource shortage. For example, we have the extended Ireland now, with the huge sea area. It’s ten times the land area. And the ocean is just so full of resources, the ocean floor, and one resource, one huge larder, really, just ready to be harvested.

OGDEN: ….Because the system has us in a monetarist loop. It’s just ridiculous. So we have to create this kind of paradigm shift, and come back specifically to you. It’s moral courage. Leadership is moral courage. To me, that is what’s beautiful about Ireland. Because, not that we want people to be martyrs, but actually to have an entire history of moral courage, of saying we’re living for the future. We don’t know if we’ll succeed, but we’re going to make sure that people a hundred years beyond our lives – our mortal coil – will actually have some hope, some dignity. You know, sometimes you do succeed.

CHILDERS:   ­­ You never know. Sometimes you can’t see, if you are operating in a complex system, you don’t necessarily see where your actions lead. You won’t see anything immediately, but I know from being a psychoanalyst, where words for instance, they were the only thing I had. You know I didn’t have anything else. You never know where they sort of land, You have to be very careful with them for start, which I don’t think I do to the same extent in the world I’m in  now, but you never knew where you could affect things, you see that it could be quite a long time after. But you have to try. You also have to not know what the next thing is that you’re going to do. There comes a point where you move up to the limit, of what you’ve done at any particular moment, and you have to wait for something out there.

(Assistant intervenes to announce the available time is finished)

CHILDERS: I don’t wrap up things well.

OGDEN: I was happy with the interview. I think it was a wonderful interview with a real exchange of views.

CHILDERS: We’ll see if I’ll be happy when I see it. Maybe I’ll be arrested by somebody. Maybe I’ll be sent to the women’s prison down there — Mountjoy Prison.

This entry was posted in Austerity & Bank Bailouts, Economy, Glass Steagall, Ireland and tagged , , , , , , , , , . Bookmark the permalink.

3 Responses to An Interview With Nessa Childers MEP:” Ireland Could Just Say No To The Troika

  1. Pingback: An Interview With Nessa Childers MEP:” Ireland Could Just Say No To The Troika | LaRouche Irish Brigade | Cumbrian Irish

  2. bonbon says:

    From 6 years into the future of this interview, how things have changed! Italy’s Salvini, Donald Trump, and the Yellow Vests are really shaking things up. And China’s BRI, New Silk Road, is really making waves. Even Germany’s political landscape has been really upturned. And Brexit just next door.
    There is enough for the Dail to move on, but are likely mesmerized by Ms May.
    It is likely Ms May has a major problem with the City of London’s derivative operation which extends to Dublin. The chaos is just incredible.

    Glass-Steagall as soon as possible!

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