Introducing Victoria Nuland (Mrs. Robert Kagan), Whore for the British Empire

Review provided by EIR magazine.

Obama’s Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, Victoria Nuland, didn’t disappear after she was caught on tape, conspiring with the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine to carry out regime-change in Ukraine. She’s still at Kerry’s side, joining him in his recent mission in Kiev, Paris, and Rome — as he embraced the Nazi coup in Kiev and escalated confrontation with Russia in a race toward thermonuclear war.

By her actions, Nuland demonstrates that she is fully on board with the policies of her husband, Robert Kagan, a famous neo-con, whose 2012 book, “The World America Made”, has been an object of praise by Barack Obama. Kagan, who has been directly involved under Cheney and Bush in turning the U.S. into an arm of British war-making, is currently a senior fellow at the Brookings Institute and a columnist for the pro-war Washington Post. But his policy is deeply ensconced at the White House.

Kagan — British Imperial Mouthpiece

The central thesis of Kagan’s book is that the world the United States erected since the end of WWII has revolved around the integrated program of British-style free trade, “democratic” institutions, and “liberalism”, backed by a strong military order. While grudgingly admitting that the entire post-war period has been punctuated by continuous warfare, Kagan opines that the last sixty five years constitute a Golden Age for humanity!

To quote, “There’s plenty wrong with our world, of course, but from the perspective of thousands of years of recorded history, in which war, despotism, and poverty have been the norm, and peace, democracy, and prosperity the rare exceptions, our own era has been a golden age”. (p. 4)

The fundamental conflict for Kagan is between the “liberal democracies” and the autocratic states. Kagan defines liberal in the classic British sense, as in the British liberalism of Adam Smith, David Hume, Jeremy Bentham, the Haileybury School of British economics, and the bitter enemies of the American Revolution. He is a rabid supporter of British Free Trade, which has shipped out our industries and crushed the productive power of American labor. What Kagan admires in the British outlook is what has destroyed the U.S. economy during the period of the so-called Golden Age. The autocratic states that Kagan attacks are Russia and China in modern times, and Bismarck’s Germany in the 19th Century, which Kagan singles out for bitter assault in the book.

For Kagan only two powers over the past two hundred years have practiced the liberal, democratic, free-trade system: Great Britain and the United States. “Few powerful nations have ever perceived their well-being as intimately tied to a liberal free-trade international economy and had the will power to create and sustain it. Indeed, in the modern era of nation states, there have only been two: Great Britain in the nineteenth century and the United States in the twentieth…. The global free-market economy we know today was created by British power in the nineteenth century, and when Britain faltered between the two world wars, that liberal economic order was not passed smoothly on to a new group of supporters. It collapsed…. It was only when the U.S. took on the task of creating and sustaining a liberal economic order after World War II that it took hold, and then only in those parts of the world not controlled by the Soviet Union or China.” (pp 37-38)

Cloaking this Anglo-American empire in the garb of the true predecessor of his world order, Kagan identifies the model as ancient Rome (a true “liberal” state, in the amount of their slaughter, that is). “From World War II onward, the United States was indeed the predominant power in the world. It wielded enormous influence, more than any great power since Rome, and it accomplished much.” (p. 122)

The British “geopolitical” influence spills out throughout the book. He even inserts the “naval power” argument of Halford Mackinder and Alfred Mahan, apologists for British imperialism, right into the book. The references are so ingrained that he fails to provide footnotes. “In the case of both Britain and the United States, an order dominated by free markets and free trade reflected the special characteristics and needs of two unusual powers—both advanced industrial democratic capitalist nations and both, crucially, ‘island’ powers with dominant navies….both nations went through long periods of protectionism [!!e.g. Hamilton, John Quincy Adams, Lincoln, American System proponents] before embracing free trade… Their powerful navies controlled the seas and dominated the trade routes, while their competitors were generally land powers that depended on them to keep the lanes open.” (pp. 38-39)

However, Kagan is forced to admit that nations brought into the wonderful world of free-trade-induced economic looting, do not always submit willingly. “A free-market, free-trade global economy does not just come into being. It is a choice, and it is also an imposition. [as the mob would say, “It’s not personal, it’s just business”]. As the political scientist Robert Gilpin has observed, ‘a liberal international economy cannot come into existence and be maintained unless it has behind it the most powerful state in the system’.”

Kagan underscores the gangster, “un-free”, side of free trade later in the book. “So the free-market, free-trade economy was not adopted willingly and gratefully everywhere. [Really?] Americans, and Britons before them, might believe that the free-market, free-trade system provided developing nations with the opportunity to get richer. But as one scholar, Robert Gilpin, observed, those ‘opportunities’ nevertheless had to be ‘imposed upon the reluctant partners… Free trade is the policy of the strong.”‘ (pp. 42-43)

In point of fact, the free-trade system was the enemy of the Founding Fathers of the United States and subsequent great presidents such as John Quincy Adams, Lincoln, McKinley, Franklin Roosevelt, and John Kennedy. But, since the death of FDR and the murder of Kennedy, the United States has been largely swallowed up into the British free-trade looting system, and has been all but destroyed. This Kagan calls a Golden Age.

Which brings us to the final point of Kagan’s overview of the wonderful British instigated liberal system, namely that it requires the services of an enforcer. Kagan spends much of the book promoting the “iron fist in the velvet glove” standing behind the proverbial “magic hand of the market”. The world that America made after Roosevelt’s death had to be imposed by American military might. The main architects of the strategy were arch-imperialist killer Winston Churchill and his American lackeys, the most prominent of which was British sycophant Dean Acheson, one of Kagan’s personal heroes.

Kagan underscores the need for military might as the key to the oh-so-liberal order. “It is the domination of one vision over others—in this case, of liberal principles of economics, domestic politics, and international relations over other, non-liberal principles. It will last only as long as those who imposed it retain the capacity to defend it. This is an uncomfortable reality for liberal internationalists.” (p. 97)

Kagan is not a typical “world government” devotee. He is a firm believer in the need for one nation to reign superior over all the others, e.g., as the “enforcer” for the British oligarchy. His model is the United States under British-schooled imperialist and “Rough Rider” Theodore Roosevelt. It is not accidental that Kagan is enamored with Acheson, Stimson, and the other TR-trained military interventionists.

This same Dean Acheson nearly blew up the world in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Only the persistent, heroic intervention of President Kennedy and his brother Robert stopped the drive for war against the Soviet Union advocated by Acheson, Curtis Lemay, and their buddies during the showdown.

Kagan defines the enemy as nationalist governments in general but the book is filled with one attack after another against Russia and China. Kagan gloats: “As it is, Chinese leaders look around and perceive an American-built wall of containment. … Chinese leaders harbor ‘a profound concern for the regime’s survival, bordering on a sense of being under siege.”‘ (p. 64)

Decline or Denial

The question nagging at Kagan is whether or not the United States is in decline. While admitting that the “perception of decline is certainly understandable,” he insists it’s not true.

No, we are not in decline, he says. In fact, we are in a comparable situation to Great Britain in 1870 when they were at the apogee of their empire! They began their long decline from then on, as they were unable to maintain their rule. We must avoid that outcome by immediately building up our military and preparing to intervene wherever necessary. We must stay strong.

Kagan then goes through a long statistical maneuver, using GDP and various measures of “influence,” in an attempt to prove that the U.S. is still the top dog.

The biggest potential threat, he claims, is China, but that can be dealt with, because China has not yet turned its economic growth into military strength.

Kagan does grudgingly admit, despite his delusions of past grandeur, that the Anglo-American extension of the old Roman Empire is perhaps on its last legs. What must be done? We must “shore up all three pillars — politics, economics, and security— of what has made this age, with all its brutalities, a golden age for humanity…. Start with the reality that a liberal world order will only be supported by liberal nations. The expectation that an authoritarian China or Russia will lend assistance in supporting democratic governance and liberal economic principles—and the two are intimately related— is folly. Americans and other liberal peoples who benefit from and support the present world order therefore have an interest in pressing for greater democratic and liberal reforms in the world’s authoritarian nations, including the two great-power autocracies.” (pp. 135-6)

Kagan concludes his book with a plaintive call for an immediate buildup of American military power, and a drive to ensure the triumph of the crumbling “liberal” world order.

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